It’s
important to understand that the Executive Orders of President Trump have not
been drafted in a vacuum. These orders are part of a larger effort to not only
curb immigration, but to also curb embedded constitutional and civil rights.
Kris
Kobach, the Kansas Secretary of State, who has been advising Trump, has worked
on Arizona’s infamous SB-1070 and has worked with various nativist groups to
attack minority groups and prevent them from coming to the US. It should be
clear that these Executive Orders are the work of a few individuals with a
nationalist mindset, taking advantage of the broad powers that the President
has with regard to safeguarding our borders, using national security as a smoke
screen.
The
reason why the Administration chose immigration as a starting point for unleashing
its executive powers is because it’s low hanging fruit, not just from a
political point of view, but as explained below, also from a legal perspective.
Kobach
stated on PBS this week, that “foreigners do not have a constitutional right to
enter this country. It’s a privilege, not a right”. This notion is the
foundation on which this entire new attitude is built and the American public
mostly agrees with this simplified version of immigration law.
Technically
it’s not an incorrect statement, however, numerous constitutional protections
do apply to immigrants and particularly permanent residents. It’s interesting
to note that the Administration uses words such as foreigner, visitor or
traveler to explain the controversial ban and to give the impression that many
of the individuals being banned do not have significant ties to the United
States. This approach minimizes the major constitutional problems with
implementing such a broad ban, as well as the ban’s disastrous consequences.
Specifically, in a tweet on February 2 the President referred to Syrian
refugees in Australia as “illegal immigrants”, which is a nonsensical and
illogical classification and this careless approach prevents any intelligent
discussion about any subject.
With
regard to other Orders dealing with detention and arrests, the Administration
refers to the same people described above as aliens. Therefore, I believe it’s
all a ploy to further gut our institutional framework and when discussing these
Executive Orders, we need to be aware that we’re not falling into the trap of
prioritizing one over the other. Moreover, there are more Orders coming very
soon. These Orders may affect DACA, Parole in Place, the provisional waiver
program, the H-1B visa and expanded scrutiny for visas. These Orders would be
the start of a complete erosion of the entire immigration system.
The
President is able to sign these Executive Orders so quickly in the field of
immigration due to the fact that he has been given broad powers by the
Immigration and Nationality Act (“INA”) to do so. In contrast to any other type
of practice, such as criminal law, civil rights, education, environment or
equal rights, the President has the power without an act of Congress to
immediately interrupt all rights of “aliens”. INA Sec. 212(f) states that
“whenever the President finds that the entry of aliens or of any class of
aliens into the United States would be detrimental to the interests of the
United States, he may by proclamation, and for such period as he shall deem
necessary, suspend the entry of all aliens or any class of aliens as immigrants
or non-immigrants, or impose on the entry of aliens any restrictions he may
deem to be appropriate.”
Historically,
the Presidents have used executive proclamations to bar entry to persons as
well. Therefore this “ban” is not unique. For instance in 1999, the President
suspended visa entry to Yugoslavian officials responsible for repression in
Kosovo, Proclamation 7249, 64 FR 62561, (Nov. 12 1999). There have been numerous
of these proclamations prior and after. However, these Executive Orders have
always been narrowly tailored and always in response to a specific incident.
Kobach
refers to previous laws and regulations that were drafted and implemented to
target specific classes of aliens and refuse them entry to the United States as
evidence that the United States has a long history of banning certain people.
The earliest laws that he refers to are the Alien and Sedition Acts of 1798.
These were four sets of laws. However, he fails to mention that three of the
Acts were immediately repealed under Thomas Jefferson and the remaining Act,
the Alien Enemies Act, was later used to imprison Japanese Americans in
internment camps, for which President Reagan and the 100th Congress
had to apologize and offer restitution in the Civil Liberties Act of 1988.
Kobach,
Spicer and Priebus are not wrong in saying that applying for admission to the
United States is not a constitutional right. However, the Administration uses
this phrase to justify trampling on the constitutional, civil and human rights
of people who are involved in an immigration or non-immigration process. Even
though applying for a benefit may not result in actually receiving the benefit,
an individual still has certain rights that shall not and cannot be harmed. One
can make a comparison to applying for a benefit under zoning law regulations or
any other type of Administrative law.
These
certain rights are Due Process Rights, Rights under the Convention of Torture,
Rights to Family Unity, Rights under the Geneva Convention, 14th
Amendment Rights and so on.
With
these Executive Orders, persons are being denied these rights and as a direct
consequence irreparable harm is being caused on not only “aliens’, but also on
US citizens and our community as a whole.
Understandably,
the public has focused on the “travel ban” from the seven identified countries,
since it immediately created chaos, confusion and irreparable harm, but the
other Executive Orders expanding the definition of “arriving aliens”, expanding
the prospect of endless detention of non-criminals, cutting off funding to
non-compliant municipalities, retracting DACA and increasing enforcement
(including the border wall) are more harmful to the people who it affects
directly, but potentially also jeopardize the safety and well-being of all
people in our diverse communities.
I
want to mention that in addition to the President, the Attorney General, the
Secretary of State and the Secretary of Homeland Security are given wide
latitude in immigration, deportation, detention and visa matters (INA Sec. 103).
Considering the appointed Secretaries and the nominee for AG, these Executive
Orders should be viewed in the perspective of a larger effort to restrict the
civil liberties of all people involved, such as asylum seekers in or out of
detention, visa applicants, applicants for citizenship, undocumented workers,
green card holders with a minor criminal record, etc.
Moreover,
the Immigration Courts (EOIR) fall directly under the jurisdiction of the
Attorney General. The Court is not part of the judicial branch. An immigration
judge is merely an adjudicator working for the Executive. With the new AG it
can be expected that further tightening will be implemented. As an example,
this may include new regulations on prolonged detention, which is now curtailed
by the so-called “Rodriguez bond”, which is available to those who have been
detained for more than six months. The AG may soon try to overturn this. He won’t need an executive order.
As a
result, the Bar needs to understand that the only recourse would be through the
judicial system, which in this case is NOT the Immigration Court, but rather
District Court and the Circuit of Appeals.
Final
comment, when Congress confirms Judge Gorsuch to the Supreme Court, the
judicial branch it is unknown if he’ll look favorably on extending Presidential
powers.
We need to be aware that we’re
being subjected to an unprecedented assault of executive power and that
Congress won’t be able to halt this onslaught. We and “We the People” are the
final defense.
Thank
you.